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The Ghost of Jacob Javits

30 Apr 2007 02:20 pm

Ramesh on Brooks:

... I think Brooks is right that a lot of conservatives have a paralyzing misimpression of Ronald Reagan. He's also right, in my view, that organized conservatism, and not just the Republican party, needs some innovation. But not just any old innovation, or innovation for its own sake, which is what Brooks comes close to suggesting. He thinks Rudy Giuliani should be free to "innovate" on social issues, and John McCain on economic ones. He thinks it's terrible that James Dobson criticizes Giuliani's "innovations," and that the Club for Growth criticizes McCain's. If Brooks wants to argue that that the party simply needs to move left on economics and social issues, then I'd be interested in seeing his case—but there wouldn't be anything especially innovative about it. And when the Club for Growth goes after a Lincoln Chafee or an Arlen Specter, which is what it spends much of its time doing, it's not stifling some creative conservative rethinking.

This is a crucial distinction, I agree - there are all sorts of kinds of reformism, conservative and otherwise, and what the Chafees and Specters represent (the long-interred corpse of Rockefeller Republicanism) is deservedly viewed by most people on the Right as a dead end. My erstwhile co-blogger Reihan once made the distinction between upper-middle and lower-middle reformism - that is, reform geared to the interest of the upper-middle class, and reform geared to the interests of the working class. So campaign-finance regulation is classic upper-middle reformism - it's a boutique issue that only the overclass cares about - whereas Mitt Romney's health care plan was an attempt at lower-middle reformism, since its main beneficiaries were supposed to be people teetering on the edge of having affordable health care coverage.

Pace Andrew, this latter kind of reform is very much in keeping with modern American conservatism, given that lower-middle reformism on issues like crime and welfare - and the rejection of Rockefeller Republicanism along the way - helped the GOP rise to power in the first place. (It's worth noting that Kevin Phillips' The Emerging Republican Majority, which limned the Reagan coalition before it existed, was essentially a long, data-rich brief for lower-middle reform as the foundation of a new majority.) "Compassionate conservatism" aimed in this direction and missed the mark, but it's still a promising path for the GOP to take. Republicans aren't going to become the party of the Northeast or the Pacific Northwest any time soon, which is where upper-middle reformism has always found it's natural home, but they can be competitive in the Midwest and the border South - which means more Pawlenty and Huckabee, and less Christine Todd Whitman.

Comments (8)

Ramesh is a neocon wackjob who hates the West. Having entered the U.S. on Jean Raspail's Last Chance Armada, he now seeks to undermine and subvert the real U.S. - you know, the one with its European past. Paul Gottfried sums him up nicely: “The assertions by Ramesh Ponnuru, Jonah Goldberg and other Solomonic intelligences, that conservatism is not about one’s “nation” or “tribe” but about human rights, underscores the drifting and shifting of their employer, National Review. What is described as conservatism is precisely its opposite: namely, an unmistakably leftist posture invoking universal equality and competing with the political Left for who is further to the left ideologically.”

http://vdare.com/gottfried/070412_next.htm

Huckabbe and Pawlenty seem like unlikely standard bearers for "lower-middle reform"

Here's Huckabee: "We respect those who want to provide a better life for their children and grandchildren. For decades, we treated our state's African-American population poorly. The Hispanic influx gives us a second chance to prove what kind of people we really are.”

It seems to have been forgotten now, but one of the things which helped Reagan and to GOP on their way up was the Democratics insistence with idealizing minorities and demonizing whites. I don't think the current GOP's obsession with throwing the borders open so they can show how much they, too, love non-whites is going to go over well with the kind of working class white ethnics who made up the Reagan Democrats. (And that is seperate from the fact that the "Hispanic influx" votes D, not R, and will not change unless the GOP embraces socialism.)

It's worth noting that Kevin Phillips' The Emerging Republican Majority, which limned the Reagan coalition before it existed, was essentially a long, data-rich brief for lower-middle reform as the foundation of a new majority.

So the thing to do is to re-embrace the Southern Strategy? That's a great coalition you want to put back together and put in power. Phillips (according to wiki) describing the strategy to the NYT:

From now on, the Republicans are never going to get more than 10 to 20 percent of the Negro vote and they don't need any more than that... but Republicans would be shortsighted if they weakened enforcement of the Voting Rights Act. The more Negroes who register as Democrats in the South, the sooner the Negrophobe whites will quit the Democrats and become Republicans. That's where the votes are. Without that prodding from the blacks, the whites will backslide into their old comfortable arrangement with the local Democrats."

Just keep reading the comments, Ross--that's your base, pal. Ethno-centrist crackpots, who to use James Carville pungent phrase, wouldn't piss down Reihan's throat if it was on fire.

Or to be fair: White, non-college educated, non-unionized (the unionization would provide them with the social solidarity they currently lack) Protestant men, and to a large extent, their wives. Wed their parochialism and downright bigotry to the plutocrats, and you've got the Party you think is going to be transformed--but the bigots won't align with the non-white workers, and the plutocrats won't permit economic programs helpful to the white workers (as opposed to the welfare/crime stuff you mention, which is of an entirely different order).

Fresh from writing his encyclopedic work on the nature of Bolshevikism, yeselson appears to conduct his quack psychoanalysis on the Republian base.

Next up - he will explain why evangelicals are poor, stupid, and easily led.

You've chosen to misread my remark about Bolshevism again--or perhaps you're not misreading it, and you're merely stupid.

Moreover, people who whine about whites being "demonized"--talk about a pathetic cry of victimization--and political parties revealing themselves by showing that "they, too, love non-whites" are projecting when they call others "quacks." A bit of a race problem there, James--white people persecuted, you say? Some kind of revanchist rage eating at you--you think perhaps that you don't have the privileges of skin color (and gender, too, I'm sure) you used to have in the days of yore? Trent Lott was maybe onto something with that encomium he spoke on behalf of Strom Thurmond--nostalgic for those days yourself, James? You stand revealed for what you are--I need say no more.

For real conservatives, the Republican Party is barely adequate. It is the party of big-business globalism, not tradition. And the Democratic Party, which is not as cursed as the Republican Party with its left-wing origins, is today even worse.

At best, real conservatives should seek to foster parties like the BNP in the UK or the Front National in France. These are _real_ conservative parties. They actually seek to conserve something: Western man and his ancestral traditions.

All you have said so far, yeselson, is the stock liberal response to all situations: I'm good, the other guy is bad. But I'm sure that in your own mind nothing more need be said. And also that in spite of this, you will say it again and again and again.