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28,000 Words Later

31 May 2007 11:54 am

I did it. I read - with, okay, some skimming here and there - Paul Berman's behemoth of an essay on Tariq Ramadan. And you know what? There's a pretty good piece buried under all those words, one that uses Ian Buruma's favorable treatment of Ramadan, and his unfavorable treatment of Ayaan Hirsi Ali, to illustrate the tendency of Western liberals to prefer Islamists of a seemingly-moderate stripe to anti-Islamists, like Ali, who seem too strident. Such a piece would have been a valuable contribution to the debate over whether Western liberalism should seek dialogue with the more moderate elements within political Islam - with Ramadan a prime example - or pursue confrontation instead, along the lines suggested by Ali. I'm by no means certain which side of that debate I'm on, Buruma's or Berman's, but that's all the more reason for TNR to run an essay that contributes substantially to the argument.

But such a piece could have been about, oh, I don't know, 5,000 words long. A 28,000-word essay, by contrast, needs to do more than raise troubling questions about Tariq Ramadan (which Berman successfully does); it needs to demolish him, to demonstrate beyond a reasonable doubt the debt he owes to Qutbian thought and beyond Qutb to National Socialism, to lay bare his sympathies for global jihad and expose his desire to bring the whole edifice of European liberalism crashing down. It needs to include more meat, less hemming and hawing ("I have no way to resolve this quandary, except to hazard a guess that all these writers, friend and foe alike, may have arrived at a truth ...), fewer forays into portentous speculation ("And does he dream in secret of something larger? Maybe he does, on some theological level, which would not be unusual. All great religions dream great (and dangerous) dreams") and equally portentous understatement ("a fascist label, or some reasonably similar term, seems faintly applicable--or more than faintly--even now ...). It needs to include, above all, fewer passages like this one:

Caroline Fourest, in Brother Tariq, makes the argument that, in the end, the ambiguity in Ramadan's outlook can only serve to confer legitimacy on the revolutionary Islamist idea, which is willy-nilly bound, in turn, to elevate ever so slightly terrorism's prestige. Fourest pictures a young man from North Africa in France, attending a lecture by Ramadan, and she wonders what ideas somebody like that might take away. Hamel, in The Truth About Tariq Ramadan, scoffs at Fourest's argument and observes that, for all the accusations against Ramadan, nothing has ever been proved, and out of the many thousands of people who have in fact attended his lectures, only a single person, a man from the Lyon district, is known to have ended up in Al Qaeda's Afghan training camps. Who is right in this dispute?

Hamel, the scoffer, would carry the day in a court of law. Still, it is easy to imagine that, in a small way, Fourest may be on to something.

"Ever so slightly ... it is easy to imagine ... in some small way." When Berman writes of Ramadan's discussion of Salafist terror that "a veil of timidity and euphemism hangs over the entire discussion, which could lead a sleepy reader to miss his meaning altogether," he could just as easily be describing his own essay, which builds up great expectations but turns out to include nothing that could not have been argued more tightly, more briskly, and more convincingly at a fifth the length.

Comments (21)

Maybe Berman hems and haws, equivicates and bloviates, because he has no case. Maybe Ramadan is not a Qutb-ian, a Religio-fascist, a wearer of high-water pants. The argument has no meat, because there is no meat.

On the other hand, Berman could also just be a crap writer and a woolly-minded thinker, unable to make th case agasint talking to Ramadan.

I'm by no means certain which side of that debate I'm on.

(Note: David Frum loved the Berman article. Frum. And we all know how good Frum's endorsements are).

LOL Ross. I read it all and thought the same about the style. As for the substance, I agree he raises troublesome questions about Ramadan and worthy, if incomplete defenses of Hirsi Ali, but that he doesn't do much to see where Buruma et al. are coming from; he prefers to interpret their ambiguous positions as evidence of an appeasing attitude toward Islamism. It's an overly emphatic conclusion couched (until the end) in hedging, tentative language.

I disagree that the article is too long and that it fails to provide a satisfactory verdict on what Ramadan is all about. Much of the length is due to what seems at first glance to be a rather repetitive litany of Ramadan’s forebears and his own actions and product over the years. But I think the cumulative effect helps the reader grasp the complexities of Ramadan’s opportunistic dissembling, or “double discourse,” while also showing that his real aim is not to (as I've read some place) modernize Islam but Islamize modernity.

Mary Ann is exactly right. The real question is why so many on the Left sympathize with Islamism of any sort. Why the toleration of the growth of Islamic intolerance, especially in the West? I suspect it has to do with the Left's instinctive sympathy for "the downtrodden" and hostility to Western civilization. This instinct translates into accomodating Islamic intolerance in the name of "diversity". Of course, that tolerance ends up being a one-way street. It is, in essence, cultural appeasement of the basest kind.

Madness.

Are people willfully misreading Buruma's piece, out of a desire to pretend he's the subject of "Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers", or did people really not get it? Buruma is not "instinctively sympathetic to the downtrodden", nor is he particularly a fan of Ramadan. His point was that when it comes to reforming Islam, a moderate, pious Muslim like Ramadan has a better shot than someone like Ali, who has very consciously and loudly rejected Islam itself. To put it in US terms, who do you think will have a more positive influence on Christianity: Rick Warren or Richard Dawkins? Obviously the former, becuase he's actually willing to change the religion from the inside, and starts with respect for believers. Now, you may not think Islam deserves respect, but in that case, you, too, are unlikely to be very helpful in reforming it. When you set out to eliminate a religion, you set out for failure.

What Fuzzy Bastard said. Also, I don't think Berman's article is much harder on Ramadan than Baruma's. He's not just 'hesitant' about the over-the-top charges of supporting violent jihad - he dismisses them.

They've got nothing damaging on Ramadan, because there is nothing damaging on Ramadan. Because, as far as everything I've ever seen goes, the guy consistently rejects advocacy of violence.

Dissenters?

I've read the entire piece and there are at least two things worth noting about the length and "hemming and hawing" of the essay.

1) It was foolish to expect anything else from Paul Berman. I like Berman a lot, and "Terror and Liberalism" stands out to me as the most important contribution to the post 9/11 dialogue by any American writer (liberal or conservative). But that is how Berman writes. He overwhelms you with the morass of the history because that is where his passion is, and the history of Islmaic political philosophy is so non-linear and oblique on its own that Berman's tendencies toward meandering and storytelling are magnified when he writes on the topic. But that is what it is, and its fine with me. I appreciate a writer who can make a complex argument and invoke history I know less than I should about. If this piece were only 5000 words, I would have gotten so much less out of it than I did.

2) On some level, the hemming and hawing was intentional and there to mock Buruma. At the very beginning of Berman's essay, he talks about Buruma's gift for the understated and subtle, and then proceeds to employ the same device with stinging effect to show just how far short Buruma came up in his piece on Ramadan.

In Guitta's article there is a revealing remark by Fr. Christian DeLorme one of Ramadan's "interfaith" partners:

I am today convinced--and it took me time to understand it--that Tariq Ramadan's thinking and actions are dangerous. I believe he is not at all a man of dialogue. He knows how to charm his audience, but in reality, he wants a total separation between Muslims and other communities. I am convinced that Tariq Ramadan deeply hates the West.

Ramadan, while smooth, lacks Hirsan Ali's integrity, courage and candor. Evenr Baruna remarked that I felt that I had seen the polished Ramadan, the international performer who, in the words of Reuel Marc Gerecht, an expert on the Middle East at the American Enterprise Institute, sounds “like a British diplomat at the U.N.,” the kind who leaves you with “a strong impression that prevarication is in the DNA.”

While I do agree the piece was too long, Berman did at the begining of the fifth section finally get around to clearly stating Ramadan's philosophy:

"Salafi reformism, judging from Qutb and Ramadan, turns out to be a kind of Rousseauianism. There is a pure and authentic way of living, which is the Muslim way. And yet the Muslims, who were born free, are everywhere in chains. The Muslims are oppressed by what Ramadan calls "a Western aggressive cultural invasion"--which is the kind of language that Qutb liked to use half a century ago (and al-Banna before him). A very great danger arises from the Western "colonization of minds," in Ramadan's phrase, by which he means the influence of television. This was Qutb's worry exactly, even in the pre-television age, which he described as "the cultural influences which had penetrated my mind." And so the road back to the pure and authentic way of living must be found.

"The road is textual, and it leads back to the foundational documents of seventh-century Islam, which record the pure and the authentic before the days of Western cultural aggression and the colonization of minds. And yet neither of these men wants to reconstruct the seventh century brick by brick. Both of them are convinced that, in its comprehensiveness, the Qur'anic revelation is larger than the modern world and can swallow it whole--convinced that, instead of reconstructing the seventh century, they can reconstruct the modern age, and do so along salafist lines. They can fill each element of modern life with a proper Islamic meaning. Therefore they need to read the ancient texts with an eye to the modern world and come up with new interpretations: Islamic responses, point by point, to the challenge from the West, which conventional Islam has failed to do. That is why they are "reformists"--unlike the scholastic traditionalists (to use Ramadan's term), who merely go on rehearsing the ancient Islamic jurisprudence; and unlike the starker fundamentalists, who do want to rebuild the seventh century."

I think what is perhaps most important about this view is that it is simply impractical because there is simply to vast a gap between the philosphical assumptions of Modernity, such as its view of human nature, and those of traditional Islam.

To "That Fuzzy":

I agree with you about the need to dialogue with true Islamic moderates, including Ramadan, if Ramadan was actually the reformer that he implies he is. Maybe I'm wrong, but the whole point of Berman's piece, I thought, was to call into question the assumption that Buruma and many other Western intellectuals seem to have made--namely, that Ramadan wants to facilitate the modernization of Islamic thought.

I don't know if he (Ramadan) does or not. And I'm not out to "eliminate" Islam. What I am against is the "exquisite sensitivity" to, and accomodation of, Islamic intolerance of liberalism HERE IN THE WEST on the part of craven politicians and multiculturalists.

"He overwhelms you with the morass of the history because that is where his passion is, and the history of Islmaic political philosophy is so non-linear and oblique on its own that Berman's tendencies toward meandering and storytelling are magnified when he writes on the topic. But that is what it is, and its fine with me. I appreciate a writer who can make a complex argument and invoke history I know less than I should about."

Having read Berman, I got more the impression he goes through all of this history without really knowing what to do with it but figures if he hems and haws enough he can look like he knows what he's talking about. If you throw enough crap on the page, eventually something will seem to stick. Everything somehow comes back to the Western experience with totalitarianism and with the 1968 left because those are the only things he understands and finds important. He can't really find another lens to view the world outside of the US and Europe than these, which brings up all types of problems a la Marx, Rousseau and Hegel, who only understood selections of Western history and built universalistic belief systems on that that just ended up bringing disaster. He cannot really understand Egypt as Egypt, Indonesia as Indonesia, Bangladesh as Bangladesh, Lebanon as Lebanon, etc. without first filtering it through the mythic version of the European Enlightenment, the histories of the Third Reich and Soviet Union and the resulting American WWII and Cold War policies.

"What I am against is the "exquisite sensitivity" to, and accomodation of, Islamic intolerance of liberalism HERE IN THE WEST on the part of craven politicians and multiculturalists."

The West is not a unitary grouping. The American and European experience with Islam have been very different. Hell, the Irish and the German experience with Islam has been different. The East German and the West German experience with Islam has been different.

Is Ramadan (i) a radical hiding his agenda in the smooth style of a European intellectual, or (ii) a potentially positive force in the modernization of Islam? We don't know for sure.

But practically, if someone wants to play the second role, then it stands to reason that he would need to address Muslims, not French intellectuals. He would need to be more confrontational in dealing with radical Muslim clerics and less confrontational with French intellectuals. From Berman's piece one has the impression that he does the opposite: he prefers the full-frontal attack mode when dealing with Zionists and French anti-Islamists, but a much gentler 'we need to discuss this at some point' approach when dealing with violent Islamists (the response to the stoning issue).

Not very encouraging.

Berman's piece is incomplete, dishonest, unfair.
Here is why, or here: http://www.feministe.us/blog/archives/2007/06/09/paul-berman-should-not-fear-tariq-ramadan/

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