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Apocalypse Now

23 May 2007 10:27 am

I hope I am not being unkind to our sister publication when I say that I find National Journal's cover story on American decline almost entirely unpersuasive. Or rather, I find it persuasive that the Iraq War, the rise of China, and growing anti-Americanism from Moscow to Caracas are reducing American influence relative to where it stood in, say, the late 1990s or early 2003. But this is not at all the same thing as the beginning of the end of the American era. Yes, we may not be a "lone superpower leading the world" forever, but we weren't a "lone superpower" from 1945 till 1991, and yet that span of time is still regarded, rightly, as part of the "American Century." Great powers often acquire rivals, and even get defeated by rivals for that matter, without being understood as being in decline: nobody dates the beginning of Rome's eclipse to Crassus's defeat by the Parthians at Carrhae, and the heyday of the British Empire still had over a hundred years to run when they were beaten by the Franco-American alliance in the the 1770s. The fact that, say, India and Brazil "don't hesitate to assert narrow national interests that often have little to do with Washington's agenda" tells us very little about whether America's headed for a long-term slide, any more than the mere existence of France, Austria, Spain and Prussia spelled Gibbonesque doom for the eighteenth-century Britain.

Both neoconservatives and their foes, it's worth pointing out, have a vested interest in inflating the current crisis: The neoconservatives because it lets them argue that defeat in Iraq means defeat for all time, the realists and liberals because it lets them suggest that their wise counsel is all that stands between us and a Bush-created abyss. But while this is a tough moment for America, no question, it's still the case that we'll probably leave Iraq with our long-term advantages - economic, military, geographic, demographic - over our rivals more or less intact. And for all the current polarization, we're enduring almost none of the kind of internal instability that actually did make our institutions totter in the early 1970s. So maybe everyone - from the Zbigniew Brzesinskis who think that our Iran policy leaves us "one miscalculation away from catastrophe" to the Donald Kagans who claim that "our very existence could be at risk" if we pull out of Iraq - should take a deep breath and lay off the doomsaying. (Though to be fair to them, the NJ piece starts out with an apocalyptic frame, and clearly went out looking for quotes to suit that theme.)

Also, it's a small point, but I really don't follow this bit:

Could the Byzantine emperor Constantine XI have guessed, awakening to the sound of battle trumpets on a May morning in A.D. 1453 to find a Turkish fleet amassed outside his city walls and Turkish soldiers tunneling under his city, that the scales of history hung in the balance? Probably not.

You know, I bet he had a pretty good idea. And when we wake up with a Chinese fleet in San Francisco Bay and Hugo Chavez's air force bombing Florida, I'll be happy to admit that the American era hangs in the balance. (And also, that Rick Santorum was more prescient than anyone ever imagined.)

Comments (15)

I would say a supremely-wealthy, supremely-powerful democratic republic with 225 years of institutionalized memory, thousands of years of accessible memory, and 300 million freely associated and connected creative microprocessors -- i would bet such an entity would continue to prosper long into the future.

We don't have a monopoly on competitive advantage, but we have the lion's share.

I hope you're right, Ross, but two factors missing from your analysis are (1) the steep decline in world regard for the US, making diplomacy much more difficult and counterbalancing much more likely, and (2) admittedly a constant concern, but the possibility of a dropoff in US leadership in technological innovation.

Of course we're not going to be swallowed up by China anytime soon, but I worry about a more hostile world out there for us. President Clinton was greeted with wild enthusiasm in Africa and Asia. It's tough to gauge what the end of that enthusiasm might lead to, or if it can rapidly be restored under new US leadership.

Elvis, Clinton was also loathed in East Europe for bombing the Serbs (and in China for hitting the embassy in belgrade), excoriated by the left for leaving Rwanda and Bosnia to die. . . certainly Bush is less popular but every US president has irked someone overseas. hell Carter tried to give away the store and still was hated by the Iranians, Euros, etc.

More to the point - should we care if we slide back to where we've historically been - strong but not superman? the Danes and Swedes seem to do ok without being leviathan, ditto the Japanese and Australians. there's the argument that US preeminence aids the prosperity of other free nations in various ways, but if we could do that in tandem with other free nations we should benefit as well. (I know, it takes 2 to tango and the Euros can't even manage Kosovo. . .)

Following up on what Chris said: the single greatest weakness the United States has is our insistence on being "leviathan". And our habit of looking at the rest of the world as rivals we have to be militarily stronger than.

There are very few problems we have that we could not make progress on by cutting military spending substantially, redistributing the money to more economically useful purposes, and ceasing our practice of menacing and threatening the rest of the world. We would no longer be leviathan, but we would be both strong and peaceful.

Being the bully on the block is actually a weak position, because people start gunning for you.

I agree that there is no evidence for American decline, but it also seems foolish to downplay the serious stresses that are likely to play out in the next 30-50 years: demographics & entitlement programs in the West, Muslim immigration/assimilation in Europe, diseased nuclear Russia, a nuclearized Middle East, etc. There's a lot of room between the current situation and being attacked by China & Venezuela.

Chris and mq,

The Danes and Swedes do well without being leviathan because the U.S. is the leviathan instead. Their geopolitical weakness wasn't a big plus in WWII, the last time they weren't covered by a security guarantee from the major Western powers.

And even if we would be equally effective in securing great power peace and general U.S. security by sharing military dominance with allied nations, there aren't any capable of doing it. The only remaining ally we have with global force projection capability is the UK, and they're reducing that capability at a steady clip.

(1) the steep decline in world regard for the US, making diplomacy much more difficult and counterbalancing much more likely

This fantasy that liberals have that America used to be respected, thus making our diplomacy much easier, is rather ahistorical, I think. To the extent it contains a grain of truth, it derives from the Cold War - other countries only had two choices: side with the US, or side with the Soviets (of course, some opted for "all of the above"). A binary decision is simpler to make than the more complex set of factors at play now. But the fact is we've always had contentious relations with various European countries, and diplomacy has always been a discussion about countries' respective self-interests.

Question: was the regard for the US worse or better in the 1970's than it is now?

There are very few problems we have that we could not make progress on by cutting military spending substantially, redistributing the money to more economically useful purposes, and ceasing our practice of menacing and threatening the rest of the world.

Who keeps the sea lanes open, guaranteeing relatively free trade between nations? Who bears the largest responsibility for maintaining stable & transparent financial markets? Who predominantly maintains the internet infrastructure & standards? America doesn't "meanace" the rest of the world: it helps the rest of the world enjoy more prosperity than it has ever known. If America withdraws, by choice or by internal decay, the world will become more dangerous, not less, and poorer, not richer.

I tend to agree with your analysis, but I would point out that for all of Bush's failings he (or his advisers) actually has been quite prescient in anticipating the potential rising of alternative centers of power. The leadup to the Iraq war effectively exposed Germany and France as impotent and helped to undermine the trend toward the EU as a unified superstate rather than merely an effective economic union. The parts of the world where we enjoy the best relations are Eastern Europe (Poland, Czech, Romania and Bulgaria) and Asia (Taiwan, Japan and India, the latter perhaps the most consequential diplomatic relationship of the next fifty years), regions that happen to abut the potential challengers to our preeminence, a renascent (or merely re-militarized) Russia and a rising China. Russia has resources and nukes, but its dwindling demographic fortunes undermine it's long-term solvency as a rival. China will almost certainly continue to develop, but the idea that the country can sustain 7-10% growth for three more decades without a destabilizing recession and/or without a change in the political dynamic would seem to fly in the face of centuries of historical lessons. So while our relative influence may decline over the next several decades, if I may steal a line from Oscar Wilde reports of our demise are greatly exaggerated.

Our military budget is currently about 47-48% of all the military spending on earth.

That has to be the most dominant any country has ever been in history.

So this is now the 4th time in my 40 years that the American century is declared over. Is there a betting pool on whether this is the 4th time in my 40 years that this claim turns out to be wrong?


Basically, once we switch governments in 2009, there's a good chance the world will mostly forgive us and move on. Yeah, there can be some extensive damage regarding long-term debt, military stuck in a non-winnable situation, etc., but we can deal with it. It's not like the world's investors are going to trust Chinese markets anywhere close to US ones, and it seems unlikely that the EU will be quite as dynamic as the US is anytime soon. So I'd agree, deep breath and act more sensible.

When the U.S. is reduced to Washington D.C. and a few of its suburbs, and those largely depopulated, I'll worry that it's 1453.

But decline is a historic inevitability, isn't it? At some point U.S. hegemony WILL slip; it's not likely to fall off the edge of the table, it's going to be a long, slow, sometimes imperceptible twilight.

We can argue over whether that twilight has in fact begun, but at some point I think the United States has to prepare, economically as well as psychologically, for the day when it is no longer the unquestionable king of the hill. Someone will claim that mantle; Mike S. wonders, "Who keeps the sea lanes open, guaranteeing relatively free trade between nations? Who bears the largest responsibility for maintaining stable & transparent financial markets?" Maybe China, at the point where it becomes in China's national interest to do so.

I worry more about our refusal to adapt and mitigate global warming coupled with our extreme economic inequality and ever-more-difficult-to-sustain spending. But that won't be doing us in for another 20 years or so. Needless to say we are currently in decline.

Also, uh by the time Constantinople fell it really didn't matter. The western powers had already gotten strong enough to stand up to Turkey (and of course, Spain was only a few years away from its role). If anything I'd argue that Tours, Vienna (first battle) and Lepanto had for more salience.

MN

You're adopting relatively parochial complaints to a narrative that spans the length of history. The great empires of the past, namely the Roman Empire and the British Empire, were far more unequal than the United States. Rome was a land of slaves and subject peoples, while the heyday of Britain was a Dickensian hell for a great many of its citizens. Ours is instead a land of essentially unparalleled distribution of luxury (historically speaking, certainly a case can be made that contemporary states do it as well or better). And while environmental degredation is certainly a concern, such associated issues as water shortages and inundation do not affect us disproportionately.