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Boots on the Ground

16 Aug 2007 09:02 am

By harmonic convergence, this Glenn Loury essay on the U.S. prison population is getting lots of attention in the same week that I finished up The Wire, Season 3 (twelve episodes calculated to eliminate all faith in our nation's approach to the drug war), and that the Smike Brownbuckabee combination - two conservatives with an admirable open-mindedness on reforming our criminal justice system - came in second at Ames.

Prison reform is one of those impossible issues where all the incentives cut against changing the present system, because its injustices and cruelties are borne by a small percentage of the population, and its benefits are spread across the public as a whole. Loury's essay emphasizes the racial elements at work in the system, and they're real enough, but our incarceration policy is sustained by cool reason as much as racism. Mass incarceration emerged out of prejudice, yes, but also as a rational, albeit draconian, response to a social crisis: We lock up young black men by the hundreds of thousands because it's the only sustained response that we were willing to muster to the large-scale familial and social breakdown that helped sustain America's thirty-year crime wave. Loury's essay briefly acknowledges this point, but largely elides it; he wants to focus on race, but it's memories of the crime wave, I would argue, that offer the larger stumbling block to reform. (Particularly since crime still hasn't dropped back to pre-1960s levels in many parts of the country.) There's a Catch-22 at work, too: So long as crime keeps falling, it's taken by most people (the Fox Butterfields of the world aside) as a sign the system is working; but then if crime starts inching back up, as it has the past two years (though there's good news for this year), well, nobody's going to be interested in reforming prisons during an era of rising crime!

For serious reform to make any headway, then, two things need to happen. First, conservatives need to continue their movement on the issue (only Nixon can go to China and all that), and second, reformers need to marry their efforts to a new crimefighting strategy. You can't replace something with nothing: If mass incarceration is responsible for (as seems likely) twenty percent of the reduction in crime since 1980, then the prison reformers need to offer policies that promise to make up that same ground in some other way.

One possible answer, I think - again, drawing a bit from The Wire as well as from public policy research - is more cops on the beat. This could be the twofer that (right-wing) prison reformers offer skeptical voters: Lighter sentences and more emphasis on rehabilitation on the one hand, and larger, more active police forces to pick up the slack (and ideally gain even more ground) on the other.

Update: I should note that this "prison reform plus more cops" idea shows up in the forthcoming book I'm writing with Reihan; it's a Douthat-Salam hive-mind product, not an idea original to me alone. And it owes a debt to John Donohue, among others.

Comments (43)

More cops on the beat,you mean like the cops program that Clinton signed and Bush cut funding for? But seriously I think your looking at the ability to couple these things together as too easy. Part of the issue is that crime is reported differently now then it was back in the forties and fifties, it was handled differently in large parts of the country. And yes if you were black and lived in the south and you committed a crime there was a real chance of a disproportionate response.

In the sixties, seventies and eighties I think what we had was the broad scale introduction of certain types of highly profitable drugs. Since in a black market there is no independent arbiter of contracts then issues get resolved in more violent ways. Now that those markets have become more settled they produce less crime.

My point is basically that this boils down to drugs and our response to them. Decriminalize them and watch the profit margins for their sale drop, also watch the same number of people use them (I don't know any body lining up to try heroin if it becomes legal) and watch the crime associated with those markets go down. (no one kills other people over weed in part because the profit margins aren't particularly high.) Problem solved.

"large-scale familial and social breakdown"

And economic breakdown; the deindustrialization of places like Baltimore, Detroit, Chicago, even parts of NYC. I'm not an economic determinist, but to blame this all on family and social structure seems a bit much. Data here would be nice.

technically, mass incarceration is not "rational" in economic or public policy terms, so you shouldn't use that language. you haven't defined what you think society values, you don't consider alternatives, and you needlessly ignore long-run and multi-generational effects, so it's unclear how you can even make the claim that a policy is "rational" in any way besides rhetorically, which is bad-faith policy analysis.

rationality has very clear definitions and can be a powerful tool, so claiming that a policy is rational can be a valuable flourish for any argument. rational policies are normatively desirable. but that's all you've done here -- made a claim that buttresses a status quo by an unsupported definition. poor form - your readers deserve better.

I'd like to read the sniffly, punctilious little argument that would try to elide a reduction in crime rate from mass incarceration.

Sweet land of liberty!

Ross, you wrote:
"Loury's essay briefly acknowledges this point, but largely elides it; he wants to focus on race, but it's memories of the crime wave, I would argue, that offer the larger stumbling block to reform."

This begs the question, why don't you argue that memories of the crime wave, not race, offer the larger stumbling block to reform?

Evidence please?

Any thoughts on the BSOT (best show on television)?

The real problem is the breakdown of the black family unit (Socialists, liberal feminists and gay advocates will not support re-enforcing the family, so how do we fix that?), the promotion of blacks-as-victims of evil capitalist whitey (The left wing of the Dem party will never support true black independence, the left wing being anyone to the left of Leiberman), and the fear of touching black issues for fear of being called a racist by the leftist media.

So, the only answer for the right is to lock up the guilty. Any other move has to be made by the left.

For starters, here's the Crime Misery Index, showing the homicide rate and the prison rate on the same graph going back to the 1920s:

http://isteve.blogspot.com/2005/04/introducing-crime-misery-index.html

I am willing to bet that anyone who argues for drug decriminalization has lived next door to a couple of crack addicts who, because regular jobs would interfere with their lifestyle, stand in the road flagging down potential buyers (and johns) when they're not raiding their neighbors' garages for resellables. We only got relief when they were finally arrested, convicted, and sentenced on multiple charges.

That should be "...has NEVER lived" next door..."

Drug Decriminalization isn't necessarily about just not caring if people use drugs but instead not using the criminal justice system as the deterrent. Considering the crack heads were stealing that can be taken care of through the criminal justice system.

Crack addicts won't suddenly multiply if drug use is decriminalized. Their antisocial behavior won't get any worse, either. Designating a drug as legal or illegal has no impact on these types of phenomena.

Availability will increase and stabilize, but this is not the red flag that opponents believe it to be. Drug availability is, thanks to a robust black market in every city on the planet, hardly a concern to the end user who can pretty much find whatever he wants anyway, with a small degree of risk -- a risk that barely dampens demand, even while driving up prices and potency. And crime. Refocusing the risk of incarceration (to particularly bad deeds like selling to minors) and regulating the market certainly may push a fence-sitter to finally try crack, but, other than the cost borne by unlucky neighbors like yourself, that is a small price to pay to save entire neighborhoods from the scourge of black market drugs.

Instead of, say, a million addicts we'll get 1.1 million. Maybe. The nominal social costs incurred by that increase will be so drastically offset by the disappearance of the gang's primary income that I truly can't understand why we haven't done it yet.

reformers need to marry their efforts to a new crimefighting strategy

Here's a start: this article by Mark Kleiman and Stephen Teles is a good introduction to what a more sensible approach to crime would require both on policy and politics.

The real problem is the breakdown of the black family unit (Socialists, liberal feminists and gay advocates will not support re-enforcing the family, so how do we fix that?), the promotion of blacks-as-victims of evil capitalist whitey (The left wing of the Dem party will never support true black independence, the left wing being anyone to the left of Leiberman), and the fear of touching black issues for fear of being called a racist by the leftist media.

So, the only answer for the right is to lock up the guilty. Any other move has to be made by the left.
Posted by Spartacus | August 16, 2007 1:47 PM

How can you believe such nonsensical things as this verbal crud. What is it with the right winger mind and official enemies? It's like you can't get out of bed in the morning unless you have an enemy in your head to fixate on and hate all day.
The socialist
The feminist
The Gay

The truth is that these people you label are just like you and me. They love their family. They are pro family. They came from one. They want to make one. You're nuts not to see it. You're just trying to con us into hating them with you because you don't like them. You know that everybody loves their family in one way or another so if you can lie and say that these people hate the family well then maybe you can get us agree with you and hate them too.

That's a sick mind you got there son.

Then you go on to attack the left. Calling them secret racists who want to handicap blacks into permanent dependency. Then you smear anyone who disagrees with Lieberman ass licking support of the President in the Middle East as an immoral force. Gee, I guess 70% of Americans are immoral leftists. Who knew.

And then you finish by absolving the people who are responsible for these bad laws. The three strikes you're out. The automatic sentences instead of judicial discretion. The no tolerance laws. You absolve yourself and the people who are responsible for these terrible outcomes and place all the blame on the other, the enemy, the left, the socialist, the feminist, the gay.

I gotto admit sir, you do have a talent for hate, but you have nothing to offer America. And neither do the minds that think like you. I don't know what you need, but you need it badly, the walls of your world are dark and dangerous.

I'd be curious to hear Mr. Douthat's reaction to the prospect of decriminalization. I happen agree with a number of earlier posts - I think drug legalization would have a negligible impact on consumption and would drastically reduce the crime associated with the drug trade.

I also think that the underground drug trade can be blamed for a lot of the economic problems associated with inner-city communities. What incentive does an individual have to learn a trade or stay in school if he or she can easily make more money as a drug dealer? Drugs have fundamentally skewed the entire incentives system by encouraging participation in their distribution at the expense of education and/or real employment.

One possible answer, I think - again, drawing a bit from The Wire as well as from public policy research - is more cops on the beat.

I agree with more cops on the beat, please don't cite a TV show as evidence to support your idea.

One thing that amazes me is the conservative habit of drawing examples from fictional TV shows to be applied to real-world problems. If one more conservative says "Jack Bauer" when trying to defend torture...

The conservative approach to crime -- lock up criminals -- has proven successful, so why fix what isn't broken?

The decriminalize drugs folks are kidding themselves. The problem is not that some drugs are criminalized but that there are lot of young males who want to be criminals. Read the chapter in Freakonomics on how little per hour drug dealers made during the peak of the crack boom. These guys could have made just as much per hour at McDonalds, and their death rate would have been a lot lower. But they didn't want honest work, they wanted to be criminals.

If you legalized cocaine so that some lame like Apu could sell it at the KwikeeMart, then the guys who want to be criminals would go find something else criminal to do.

The conservative approach to crime has warehoused an entire generation of low income minorities into jail. Doesn't it bother you that our rate of incarceration exceeds that of Russia, China and Belarus? Doesn't that elicit the least bit of shame? Particularly when the vast majority (according to the article cited at the top of the post - two thirds) were implicated not in violent felonies but in the victimless crime of drug trafficking.

Perhaps more importantly, the effects of incarceration are so negative and systemic that they render our social welfare policies moot. On balance, most ex-convicts are less effective providers, parents, husbands, wives etc. etc. by virtue of the social stigma attached their sentence.

As for Steve Sailer's comment, I think you're missing the social pressures that encourage poor, inner-city youths to get involved in the drug trade. I did read Freakonomics, but the chapter you're referring to only examines the monetary incentives associated with drug dealing. There are other, less easily quantified pressures that influence the decision-making calculus of a prospective drug dealer:

1.) You can get involved in the drug trade well before you become eligible for work. Young kids have more of an incentive to work with drug dealers to make money than go to school - a pressure that is particularly acute in a poor, crime-ridden environment.

2.) The drug trade is associated with a glamorous lifestyle in poorer communities. Urban culture, particularly hip-hop, glorifies drug dealers, which makes it an attractive career choice to young, impressionable teenagers.

3.) The chances of advancement as a drug trafficker are probably higher if you're a young, under-educated minority. Drug dealers have the potential to climb the ranks of the distribution network, despite having no access to education or technical skills. I doubt that McDonald's offers similar opportunities to individuals with no appreciable skill set.

I find it discouraging that we assume some people are 'inherently criminal'. I think it's more likely that the people we label as threats are simply responding rationally to an extremely hostile urban environment that doesn't offer much in the way of legitimate career opportunities.

"The drug trade is associated with a glamorous lifestyle in poorer communities. Urban culture, particularly hip-hop, glorifies drug dealers, which makes it an attractive career choice to young, impressionable teenagers."

Right. So, if the cocaine selling business was taken over by the Apus down at the Kwikee-Mart, the rappers would move on to glorifying some other violent and destructive career and young, impressionable teenagers would follow.

The War on Drugs has had no positive effect on the availability, potency and appeal of illicit drugs. None whatsoever. This is so well documented that William F. Buckley conceded that the Drug War, insofar as it had any real goals other than "drugs are bad" moralizing, has completely, utterly failed -- not only do these goals remain unachieved, they are actually more out of reach now than they were when the War commenced.

On the other side of the ledger, we've accumulated such a big pile of primary and secondary costs -- both domestically and abroad -- that we resemble the very addicts we're trying to eliminate, except here the addiction is to a policy and a posture, consequences be damned. Worse, despite having such overwhelming evidence of harm -- so much so that discussion of it on the floor of the Senate should be preluded with a warning from the Surgeon General -- some of us seem willing to ride this particular ship right to the bottom of the ocean, taking the rest of us with them.

And the excuse that we shouldn't dustbin a grotesquely unsuccessful policy because, hey, criminals are criminals after all and they'll always be up to no good, has to be one of the silliest comments I've heard on this subject in quite some time. It's also extremely pernicious. I've read many of Steve's comments, and I cannot believe his beliefs on the subject are really so glib and uninformed.

RE Steve Sailer:

Has it occurred to you that gangster rap is also the product of a particular urban environment - an environment that has been heavily influenced by the drug trade?

Black markets don't develop in a vacuum. If there's a demand for an illicit product, then people will inevitably supply it. But if our wants can be satiated legally, there's no longer any incentive for criminality. By your logic, mafia activity would have remained at constant levels despite the repeal of Prohibition. The mafia survived, certainly, but it lost a major source of income and influence.

As I posted above, I don't think that people are inherently criminal. If we alleviate certain negative social conditions (in this case, the War on Drugs), I think we can expect to see a commensurate response in terms of declining criminality and violence. There may be a relatively stable population of potential sociopaths. If so, it's probably inevitable that those individuals will get involved in criminal activities. It doesn't follow, however, that every urban community will inevitably become a hotbed of criminality.

I would strongly recommend the Becker/Posner blog as a primer for this discussion:

Becker writes on the failure of the Drug War here:

This approach can be effective if say every 10% increase in drug prices has a large negative effect on the use of drugs. This is called an elastic demand. However, the evidence from more than a dozen studies strongly indicates that the demand for drugs is generally quite inelastic; that is, a 10% rise in their prices reduces demand only by about 5%, which means an elasticity of about �. This implies that as drug prices rise, real spending on drugs increases, in this case, by about 5% for every 10% increase in price. So if the war on drugs increased the price of drugs by at least 200%- estimates suggest this increase is about right- spending on drugs would have increased enormously, which it did.

Posner responds here:

Drug crimes are often thought to be inherently violent because of their association with guns, gangs, turf wars, and fatal overdoses. Those characteristics are, however, merely artifacts of the fact that the sale of the drugs in question has been criminalized, so that the suppliers cannot use the usual, peaceable means of enforcing property rights and contracts and are not regulated in the interest of consumer safety, as legal drugs are.

To determine the full social effect of the war on drugs, we would have to know precisely how drug users respond to higher prices of drugs, since, from a consumer standpoint, higher prices are what the war on drugs achieves. One possibility is that the user spends the same amount of money on drugs, but, because the price is higher, consumes less. Another possibility is that he reduces his consumption so much that he has money left over, and he uses that to buy a harmless product. A third possibility, however, is that he reduces his consumption enough to have money left over but he uses it to buy a legal mind-altering drug, such as liquor. This seems in fact the likeliest response of someone who desires a certain level of mood alteration and faces a higher price for his drug of choice; he switches to a substitute that now costs him less because it is not burdened by costs imposed by law enforcement. If that is the principal consequence of the war on drugs, it is hard to see what is gained even if one embraces the paternalistic rationale of the war.

And William F. Buckley's comments are here, for those who might be interested.

It's not an issue of the availability/cost of drugs. It's what addiction to them causes. You can't hold a regular job because your entire focus is on getting high/coming down/getting your next fix. So after stiffing your landlord on the rent (and chasing away the good tenants), you steal or you hook to do what now passes for feeding and clothing yourself. You deal a little on the side to get your fix at a discount. While high partying with your cronies, you get into an argument that results in you or one of them ending up in the ER. But worry not; the only time the law will step in is when somebody finally gets shot rather than just stabbed or beaten, and then the law is shocked, shocked that all this has been going on.

If crack, meth, and all the other addictive drugs were not only legal but free, the criminal activity associated with drug use would not only still be there; because of the increased availability, it'd increase.

RE: Olive

Posner's response from the blog post above answers your objection: most violent criminal activity associated with the drug trade comes from conflicts over distribution and turf. Drug legalization would undercut the rationale for an entire category of violent crimes associated with narcotics distribution and turf wars.

It's also notable that gang conflict is usually more violent than crimes associated with addiction. Gang fights tend to involve more people, more weaponry and are frequently premeditated.

Finally, I think addiction-related crimes are inevitable, regardless of our drug policies. If drug consumption was out in the open, however, we could more easily deploy our full array of social resources (charities, government rehabilitation programs etc.) to combat the problems of addiction.

"If you legalized cocaine so that some lame like Apu could sell it at the KwikeeMart, then the guys who want to be criminals would go find something else criminal to do."

Okay, but how is that an argument for keeping cocaine illegal? If we did legalize cocaine and people with violent and self-destructive tendencies did find some other criminal activity to occupy their time (mugging people, for instance), then those people could be arrested for crimes that directly targeted other people or their property rather than for crimes concerning what substances the government deems appropriate for its citizens to use to consume. The people most deserving of jail time could then still be arrested without many other people suffering the consequences of having the government intervene in their personal lives.

I think the best thing that can be done is to study carefully the measures that were implemented in the 60ies. LEt me remind you that the crime rates for falling for decades - and then, all of a sudden, the crime rates starting rising fast - all kinds of crime, rape, murder, burglary. Clearly, something was changed in our criminal system in the 60ies. So, a good approach would be to study those changes - and mark them down as the ones promoting the crime. Now, lets discuss that. Who is game?

Somehow, I get the impression that Olive (above) has more first hand experience with the social impact of drugs than does Richard Posner, who is a great guy but not exactly the most worldly of individuals.

re decriminalization - haven't some US cities done that for pot? if so, anyone know the impact it had on the pot trade there?

on the purely anecdotal front, legalizing pot does not strike me as posing huge risks (though it would be a boon for the pizza delivery biz.) but coke and heroin are different animals. we have our hands full with recovering addicts as it is, legalization would surely bring only more of this.

It's the Pauline Kael effect: I don't know anyone who would mortgage his house to buy crack if it were legal, and from that "insight" is constructed a plausible-sounding theoretical edifice in favor of legalizing meth, cocaine, and heroin. As if a tweaker would be rendered able to hold a job and feed his children, all without resorting to theft or worse, if only his fix were available at CVS. I'm unconvinced. Yes, yes, I know, alcohol is a scourge, and I agree, which is why I don't drink the stuff. In its defense, though, it's something that people have been drinking for millennia, and in many cases have evolved to tolerate. I suppose we could legislate as if that were the case for cocaine, too, and just hold on until society and biology catch up with our predilections, but that would be imprudent.

I'm unconvinced by Loury's - even Loury, toward the middle of his essay, is unconvinced - presumption that mass imprisonment is primarily a racist enterprise. Though it's apparently a controversial position, I don't think the existence of a statistical disparity in imprisonment is prima facie proof of racism. Considering how much havoc listening to the Lourys of the 1930s, '40s, and 50s unleashed on America, and continues to unleash on America, I found it hard to restrain my anger as I read him. Mass imprisonment is an awful policy, but other than some soul-searching and presumably more lenience, both of which would reinforce his feeling of moral superiority while the costs would be largely born elsewhere, across town, he offers no alternatives. We need more social programs! More lenience! More bureaucracies! Coming from anyone besides an esteemed academic, calls for more agencies, funds, and programs to be staffed and run by the sort of people who are calling for those changes, like Loury and his graduate students, would be seen as transparently self-serving. Careerism isn't just for foreign policy. But I digress.

So, a good approach would be to study those changes - and mark them down as the ones promoting the crime. Now, lets discuss that. Who is game?
I'm game, but the antisocial innovations of the Warren court are apparently sacrosanct now. Surely it's no coincidence that restrictions on the operations of the police coincided with an explosion in crime which, despite the reduction brought about the lamented imprisonment boom, is still far higher than it was in the bad old days of oppression and degradation.

"I think the best thing that can be done is to study carefully the measures that were implemented in the 60ies. LEt me remind you that the crime rates for falling for decades - and then, all of a sudden, the crime rates starting rising fast - all kinds of crime, rape, murder, burglary. Clearly, something was changed in our criminal system in the 60ies. So, a good approach would be to study those changes - and mark them down as the ones promoting the crime. Now, lets discuss that. Who is game?"

Posted by gringo


IRRC, what was changed was the proportion of the population which is male, aged 15-25. That's the major driver.

I think some of you are really overestimating the addictiveness of certain drugs.

http://www.reason.com/news/show/28809.html

http://www.reason.com/news/show/120341.html

Look, the central point of decriminalization is to take the black market money off of the table.
Stealing your neighbor's TV would still be illegal, Olive!
The fundamental lesson of Prohibition is that when one wishes to acquire illegal goods, one must associate with criminals in order to do so.
Remove the illegal status, and one need no longer consort with smugglers. One can just deal with FedEx.
And part of the reason for the "explosion in crime" is the ongoing criminalization of more and more behavior! When we undertake to define more and more crimes, we naturally discover more and more criminals...a trivial result. Fewer laws on the books, fewer criminals. More criminal laws on the books, more criminals.
The real issue is deciding which behaviors shall be defined as criminal behavior in the first place...and many people feel that defining certain kinds of substance use or abuse as criminal leads to more harm than good.
Note that it is not necessary for proponents of decriminalization to prove that NO HARM AT ALL would come from their policy, just to demonstrate that we are harmed more by the policy in effect now, which has been a complete and unmitigated disaster with extremely high cost and difficult to ascertain benefits, and no measurable effect on the rates of drug use whatsoever!

Violent crime rates are now going back up, not down.

Lessee... the Americans who were young in the 1960s and made up the crime wave were
A) The sons of WWII/Korean War veterans and/or Vietnam War vets;
B) Male;
C) drunk/stoned.

Preventative solutions to the crime problem:

1. Stop sending American men away to foreign wars, where they learn to kill people (and then bring this knowledge back home -- sometimes with a drug problem as a bonus!);

2. Create incentives to make American families abort male fetuses and choose a female offspring (100% guaranteed to bring down the crime rate!);

3. Make it a law that all cars and handguns must come with an in-built device which jams the car/gun if the user is drunk/stoned (alternative: ban handguns entirely).

There: your crime solution in three politically impossible steps. Never gonna happen.

The author suggests easing of sentencing along with an increase of police to be the answer. The problem is, I don't see how this is accomplished without further eroding federalism to the point where states and localities become only appendages of the federal government.

Clinton's grants for more local police ---- while perhaps a noble idea, had no place in the federal government's budget. So that is a non-starter unless you convince state and local governments to raise taxes to fund more police.

If we are to really reform prison in this country while also making sure violent offenders are prevented from hurting more people than we have to (1) relax or repeal the drug laws and recognize that most drugs are no more harmful than alcohol; and (2) repeal all federal laws that are duplicative of state/local laws and get back to coherent federalism.

It is riduculous when you have individuals acquitted of state laws being tried again for a federal equivalent (e.g. an acquitted assault charge under state law resurrecting as a federal civil rights violation). The Supreme Court's crazy ruling that this does not constitute double jeopardy has only added to the byzantine overlapping of law.

Marc,

Conditional grants of federal funds are consistent with the Constitution. See SOUTH DAKOTA v. DOLE, 483 U.S. 203 (1987), a Rehnquist opinion.

The solution to the Drug War could be handled the same way. Decriminalize and send the issue to the States. Those that want to take the decriminalization route get funds for drug education and rehabilitation. Municipalities and states may also elect to maintain prohibition and become "dry" zones. All of this reconciles with the principles of Federalism, much more so than a world wide Drug War.

One reason libertarians favor legalization is because we assume that naturally occurring social pressures will deter most people from drug use. Factors like the social stigma associated with narcotics use discourage the vast majority of people from ever trying heroine and cocaine, despite the pleasurable after-effects of drug consumption.

The problem with our current legal regime is that it diminishes the social incentives to stay away from drugs. Addicts undergo treatment and receive limited care from a variety of social services, which makes addiction a more attractive alternative because drug abusers aren't left to fend for yourself.

RE: Cyrus -

Why is alcohol a scourge? In moderate quantities, it does little harm. Furthermore, our consumption of alcohol is essentially self-regulated - yes, we could sell our houses and cars to get drunk every night, but most of us don't do so. I see no reason why similar social pressures wouldn't regulate narcotics consumption if drugs were legalized.

I agree that mass imprisonment isn't racially motivated, but that doesn't mean it isn't costly. Non-violent drug offenders are, for all their faults, potential members of the labor force. Loury estimates that the drug war costs upwards of $100 billion each year. And the civil rights violations associated with drug enforcement are real, despite the fact that they are borne by the least visible members of our society: poor, inner-city communities.

Ross,

Don't believe John Donohue's claim that greater imprisonment caused only 20% of the crime fall. He's the co-author of the now discredited abortion-cut-crime study that made Steve Levitt a celebrity. He's assuming that his abortion-cut-crime mechanism accounts for roughly half the crime decline, so greater imprisonment can only account for a fraction of the other half. In reality, the Donohue-Levitt theory was based on two technical errors they made, as Foote and Goetz showed in 2005.

This is why the War on Drugs must end:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=077UtUWGQOA

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