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Iraq: An Opinion

11 Sep 2007 12:17 pm

Iraqwar.jpg

I just wrote a long, rambling, back-and-forth and back-and-forth post about Iraq that started nowhere, went nowhere, and made no coherent sense. I won't inflict it on you. Instead, I'll just associate myself with an actual position on what we should do - specifically, the position David Kilcullen articulates in George Packer's New Yorker piece this week:

In Kilcullen’s view, allowing the surge to run its course into next spring, while doing as much damage as possible to Al Qaeda in Iraq in the meantime, would make it likelier that a gradual withdrawal of troops would not leave behind the chaos of previous drawdowns—from Falluja and Mosul in 2004, from Tal Afar and Baquba in 2005, and from Baghdad in 2006. He said, “The longer you stay there doing police and counter-intelligence work, the more long-term stability there is once you leave.” He compared the surge to a course of antibiotics: “You keep taking it as long as possible, even after the symptoms are gone, to kill the underlying infection.”

... Kilcullen argued that next summer, when the surge is scheduled to end, American forces could be reduced to a level—say, eighty thousand—that might allow most of the core interests to be protected. Such a move would involve difficult calculations: as American commanders pull back from more stable areas—starting in the northwest, the west, and the south, where there are fewer sectarian divisions—they will risk a return to higher levels of violence. On the phone from Baghdad, General Petraeus said, “There’s an issue of what you might call ‘battlefield geometry.’ Where do you thin out and how do you do it? It’s not as simple as ‘Put in five brigades, one each month, take out five brigades, one each month.’ You might want to thin out in one place and not another. As you do that, you do want to modify your mission.” He added that “you may still be emphasizing protecting the population in one area,” while in more secure areas American forces might take on a role of supporting and advising Iraqi Army units. The changes in mission will come sector by sector and incrementally, with commanders hoping that today’s local ceasefire or the formation of a friendly Sunni militia in one town somehow holds and leads to long-term stability.

But, when the surge ends, there will have to be a strategic turn, away from Americans in the lead. An indefinite war in Iraq “costs us moral authority across the world,” Kilcullen said. The occupation of Iraq remains hugely unpopular with America’s democratic allies and throughout the Arab and Muslim world. “We need that moral authority as ammunition in the fight against Al Qaeda,” he added. “If we’re not down to fifty thousand troops in three to five years, we’ve lost the war on terror.”

The situation in Iraq obviously balances dozens of competing American interests against one another, but the two interests that weigh most heavily in my mind these days are 1) our obligation to mitigate the death toll in a civil war that we ourselves created, and 2) our obligation to minimize the number of Americans who are asked to die for what will almost certainly be remembered as a mistake. (This is why the Huckabee-Paul face-off was so riveting to me: I sympathized with both of them.) Obviously, these obligations push in opposite directions - the former militating for a long-term presence (because, as Reihan says, even if you're making the civil war less bloody only at the margins, those "margins" might mean tens of thousands of lives saved), the latter for an immediate withdrawal. I see the Kilcullen strategy as an attempt to balance the two: I freely admit that it's imperfect in almost every possible way, but today, at least, it seems like the best course.

The question then becomes whether this strategy requires a timetable for withdrawal, in which troop levels are required, by Congressional fiat, to drop consistently from 130,000 in the spring of next year to 80,000 in, say, the following spring. There are good arguments against such timetables, but without them, I have no confidence that this White House - and possibly even the next one - will ever be willing to take the plunge into the unknown that dramatically reducing troop levels requires. Because that's what it is: A leap in the dark, with the possibility that what comes next will be much, much worse than the awfulness we have now. But it's a plunge we have to take.

So that's my opinion, at the moment at least. Have at it.

Photo courtesy Joint Combat Camera Center.

Comments (19)

It's time to pack the bags, son. If you and a few hundred thousand other diehard Bush supporters want to pay your own way and, uh, install democracy in Iraq, go right ahead. This country will be improved with every departure.

Make do with slings instead of guns, though. After all, gawd is on your side, right?

I think that paragraph in gray needs a big fat conditional if in front of it because it is not at all clear that staying for another six months is going to do dick in terms of stabilizing the situation.

Unless you mean that it will give enough time for all of the neighborhoods to become completely sunni or shiite due to forced removal and thus cut down on the sectarian violence.

But it's a plunge we have to take.

Why? We didn't take that plunge in Korea, or Japan, or Germany -- or the West, for that matter. Why must we take that plunge in (out of) Iraq?

Why? We didn't take that plunge in Korea, or Japan, or Germany -- or the West, for that matter. Why must we take that plunge in (out of) Iraq?

This question is answered in the Packer excerpt: "An indefinite war in Iraq “costs us moral authority across the world,” Kilcullen said. The occupation of Iraq remains hugely unpopular with America’s democratic allies and throughout the Arab and Muslim world. “We need that moral authority as ammunition in the fight against Al Qaeda,” he added."

because, as Reihan says, even if you're making the civil war less bloody only at the margins, those "margins" might mean tens of thousands of lives saved

As I recall, Reihan actually puts the number of lives saved at the margin at four million. Which makes him extra credible.

The United States should leave Iraq – it isn’t anymore justified to stay than it was to go.

Well, how many lives do you figure we've saved by staying through 2006? 2005? 2004? By invading at all? While it's tempting to think that we can help mitigate the damage, the plain fact is, for political reasons, we won't.

Taking a plunge into the unknown is hardly what a major world power does when vital interests are at stake. As long as alQuaeda and Iran would be the signal beneficiaries of such a plunge, sensible people in Washington during at least the next several administrations will keep major forces in Iraq.

The change of military strategy to hard-fought counterinsurgency under Petraeus has defeated whatever chance the left ever had of retreating ignominously from Iraq.

Much to the dismay of the hysterical Bush haters, he bids fair to-Reagan and Truman like- be recognized as a savvy president who shook up the power structure in the Middle East and as, gasp, Nouri al Maliki has remarked liberated a nation.

Bo asks: "Well, how many lives do you figure we've saved by staying through 2006? 2005? 2004? By invading at all?"

Exactly. It's "we had to destroy the village in order to save it" all over again.

It's a deceitful, stupid argument, and (what a shock!) it's being used by people who supported this atrocity in the first place.

"Peter Leavitt" posts: "Much to the dismay of the hysterical Bush haters, he bids fair to-Reagan and Truman like- be recognized as a savvy president who shook up the power structure in the Middle East and as, gasp, Nouri al Maliki has remarked liberated a nation."

I'll be danged. Who taught Barney to type?

Which reminds me of a joke. Why does George Bush's dog lick his b*lls?

I think Ross is assuming a calibration of Iraq policy that is impossible. The Bush Administration will not leave under any circumstances. Thus, if you believe we must get out, either now or in the near future, supporting Bush Administration initiatives is counterproductive even if you would, if you were in charge, implement some of them on the road to withdrawal.

This is much closer to Eldridge Cleaver's "if you are not part of the solution, you are part of the problem".

Taking a plunge into the unknown is hardly what a major world power does when vital interests are at stake.

The "plunge into the unknown" is in staying. Not leaving. You are spending over $8 billion and 100 US soldiers' lives per month for a return which you can't quantify; you don't even have any evidence that it exists at all. The number of Iraqi lives the US might save ranges between some positive and some negative number: we are also killing Iraqis who would be alive if we weren't there.

The only interest that is definitely served in the US's continuing presence is the projection of US power over Iraq's government's foreign policy. That goal is, in the long term, doomed; Iraq will become a Shiite theocracy in the south and a semi-independent Kurdistan in the north. There is no reason to believe that this transition will be less bloody if executed over the next year as part of a US troop withdrawal than it would be over the next 10 years as part of the Packer/Kilcullen long-term occupation. Packer and Kilcullen admit the strategy has only a remote chance of success. A remote chance of success is not worth soldiers' lives or a trillion more dollars.

The one thing I find curious is that, before this post, Ross' two recurring themes were that a compromise involving a small residual force was worse than either withdrawal or doubling down, and that a political solution was needed. Now, suddenly, he supports a plan that a) involves a small but (for practical purposes) permanent residual force and b) makes no mention of a political solution.

That's a nice argument, since no matter what the actual result is it can claim to be correct and countering the claim requires the impossible, proving the result of the action not taken!
However it is counter-intuitive to the point of absurdity. The basis of the argument is that the longer our outside force can keep the daily death rate down the less likely a future bloodbath becomes. I submit that what we are doing is giving the forces that will eventually do the mass killing the best possible opportunity to get more experience, better training and more weapons so they will be able to more efficiently slaughter each other when we finally do leave "with honor."

Yes, let's compare the war in Iraq to a course of antibiotics.

Let's imagine a patient terrified of infections hiding even in places of no threat to his health at all who nonetheless insists on blasting his system with antibiotics. And let's imagine this has the predictable effect: the antibiotics cure no infection but instead help create a new generation of super bacteria that are able to overcome all the best tools medical science can bring to bear. Let's imagine these super bugs raging through our hospitals and invading the homeland with diseases we can't treat because we wasted our efforts curing an infection that didn't exist.

Yes, let's talk about our troops in Iraq being like a course of antibiotics.

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