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The Buckley Legacy

28 Feb 2008 11:00 am

Tim Noah suggests that William F. Buckley's politics were defined by support for segregation on the one hand and a desire to roll back the New Deal on the other, that he failed on both counts, and that we should thus be glad that "he outlived his brand of conservatism."

Well. There’s no question that Buckley’s mid-century moral blindness about race and civil rights – a blindness shared by most if not all conservatives at the time – is a significant stain on his record. I tend to think that treating this blindness as the defining aspect of his long career is a serious mistake – akin to using Churchill’s death as an occasion to harangue one’s readers about his views on British India, for instance, or suggesting that we should remember FDR primarily as the architect of Manzanar. Particularly since moral obtuseness where the grave evils of the twentieth century were concerned is by no means an exclusive province of conservatives, and since progressives and conservatives alike were deeply complicit, over the years, in the immense crime that was Jim Crow. But this is a matter for individual judgment. If Noah thinks we should remember Buckley primarily for what he wrote about the civil rights movement in 1963, he’s certainly entitled to his opinion.

Noah’s argument about Buckley being a failure because the modern GOP didn’t undo the New Deal, however, is just plain silliness. Around the time that Buckley founded National Review, the federal government’s share of GDP had been rising steadily for more than thirty years, from 3 percent in 1925 to 18.8 percent in 1962. In the Sixties and early Seventies, it seemed extremely plausible that the United States was a glide path to European-style social democracy. Then came the conservative ascendancy - and thirty years later, in 2001, government’s share of GDP stood at … 18.4 percent of GDP. (It’s inched up somewhat, of course, under George W. Bush.) Now obviously there are a variety of reasons why the size of government stopped rising after the Seventies, but far from least among them is the influence that Buckley-style small-government conservatism has wielded over public policy lo these many years. (And remember that he promised to stop history, not to roll it back.)

Meanwhile, in nearly every other arena of economic life – taxation, regulation, trade – the United States is a vastly more libertarian country today than it was in the years of Eisenhower, LBJ and Nixon. (Wage and price controls, anyone? Anyone?) If this is failure, we should all aspire to fail.

Comments (29)

Excellent analysis.

I'm just amused, though, that our erstwhile perilous slide toward social democracy is viewed by today's conservatives as such a dire alternative to today's bad and worsening inequality.

I mean, the people actually living in social democracies today seem to enjoy them quite a bit.

Continuing this interlocution with myself, I wonder if social democracies can just rarely be evolved into, and best need to be set up at the outset.

The one thing which certainly wouldn't have happened without WFB's personal involvement, was the Goldwater campaign.

His legacy, essentially, is the stubbornness and moral utopianism which made possible the LBJ landslide and hence the Great Society.

The movement he midwifed has largely been working to clear up the mess that he created.

Was Buckley's homophobic proposal, made in 1985 and "I-told-you-so"'ed in 2005, that all HIV+ people be forcibly tattooed, also a case of "mid-century blindness"?

Was Buckley's homophobic proposal, made in 1985 and "I-told-you-so"'ed in 2005, that all HIV+ people be forcibly tattooed, also a case of "mid-century blindness"?

Ah yes, I'd forgotten that remarkably libertarian gesture.

Probably the worst thing one could say about Buckley and his legacy is that his vision was responsible for the fantasy-mishmash of debt, bureaucracy, deregulation, corruption, and handouts that mark America since the 70s. To quote Casey Stengel, this was a team effort.

When I was doing research for a paper I read a lot of American periodicals from the 1950s. One thing that stood out to me was how the National Review's articles seemed so divorced from reality--NR's version of reality (in this case in the Middle East) was completely alien to the historical record and converging consensus of scholars 50 years later. Other periodicals, such as the Nation, more closely resembled the consensus of scholars 50 years later.

RICKM
NR believed that we were on the verge of a Soviet takeover (not counting the stalwart work of someone like McCarthy in exposing the Red Menace lurking in the minds of those who didn't have the guts for a preemptive strike). Gratifying clueless was a feature, not a bug.

Meanwhile, in nearly every other arena of economic life – taxation, regulation, trade – the United States is a vastly more libertarian country today than it was in the years of Eisenhower, LBJ and Nixon. (Wage and price controls, anyone? Anyone?) If this is failure, we should all aspire to fail.


Vastly more libertarian today? Trade I can agree with. But taxes and regulation? How so?

And I don't think Buckley considered himself a libertarian, so even if you're right, what does that have to do with the success or failure of Buckley's views? Buckley was a small gov't conservative with a strong anti-Communist stance. He got the anti-Communist part right, but so far, there hasn't been much success on the small gov't side.

Vastly more libertarian today? Trade I can agree with. But taxes and regulation? How so?

I'm not a big fan of our monstrously complex tax code. But it has to be said that rates are far lower than in Eisenhower's day. As for regulation, once upon a time the government set prices -- or tightly regulated prices -- for such goods and services as airline tickets, phone calls, truck transport, financial services, and natural gas. Today, even most left-liberals think this is not the province of government.

Ross,

I never said that Buckley's politics were "defined by" his support for segregation; I merely noted that as one of several reasons to be "glad that the country ignored much of what he had to say." In my obit I wrote that Buckley's politics were defined by Christian piety, anti-communism, and opposition to big government.

The document you link to shows that the Great Society bumped up federal outlays as a percentage of GDP about four percentage points between 1965 and 1975. To say that Buckley's influence helped rein in spending after that requires you to ignore that the percentages stayed essentially flat during Jimmy Carter's presidency, crept up slightly during Reagan's, then fell two points during Clinton's. This last was probably due to defense cuts made possible by the Cold War's end, for which neither Clinton nor Buckley can claim credit.(Indeed, I suspect that Buckley opposed these defense cuts at the time.)

I take your point, however, that government POLICIES (if not government SIZE) have to some extent followed Buckley's recommended path. This predated the Reagan revolution (it was Jimmy Carter and Teddy Kennedy who ushered in deregation of airlines and trucks), but yes, Buckley's influence helped push deregulation further under Reagan than would otherwise be the case. And yes, wage and price controls would be unthinkable today, even if Karl Marx were president. Certainly Buckley's lingering influence will make it difficult--though not, I hope, impossible--to establish single-payer health insurance in the United States. I may have been too stingy on these points.

Tim

Ross,

I never said that Buckley's politics were "defined by" his support for segregation; I merely noted that as one of several reasons to be "glad that the country ignored much of what he had to say." In my obit I wrote that Buckley's politics were defined by Christian piety, anti-communism, and opposition to big government.

The document you link to shows that the Great Society bumped up federal outlays as a percentage of GDP about four percentage points between 1965 and 1975. To say that Buckley's influence helped rein in spending after that requires you to ignore that the percentages stayed essentially flat during Jimmy Carter's presidency, crept up slightly during Reagan's, then fell two points during Clinton's. This last was probably due to defense cuts made possible by the Cold War's end, for which neither Clinton nor Buckley can claim credit.(Indeed, I suspect that Buckley opposed these defense cuts at the time.)

I take your point, however, that government POLICIES (if not government SIZE) have to some extent followed Buckley's recommended path. This predated the Reagan revolution (it was Jimmy Carter and Teddy Kennedy who ushered in deregation of airlines and trucks), but yes, Buckley's influence helped push deregulation further under Reagan than would otherwise be the case. And yes, wage and price controls would be unthinkable today, even if Karl Marx were president. Certainly Buckley's lingering influence will make it difficult--though not, I hope, impossible--to establish single-payer health insurance in the United States. I may have been too stingy on these points.

Tim

Monica Charen has a delightful tidbit today in her Washington Post encomium to Bill Buckley:

Like many a star-struck youngster, I maneuvered to meet him when I was in college. To my amazement, he agreed to be interviewed for my yearbook. Determined to ask questions that wouldn’t betray my outsized admiration for him, I posed the vaguely feminist query, “In what ways would your life have been different if you had been born female?” His reply: “I’d have seduced John Kenneth Galbraith and spared the world much pain.”

Would that we grim chatterers on the blogosphere could have a semblance of Buckley's wit and touch. Ross sometimes comes close to it but then gets wrapped up in the absurdity of his conservative populism, which Buckley would laugh off the map. Buckley was in the long run a populist of sorts, though of the bon vivant type.

Other periodicals, such as the Nation, more closely resembled the consensus of scholars 50 years later.

I gather it is the consensus of scholars that Alger Hiss was innocent.

Mr. Noah's use of the term 'fascism' to describe Gen. Franco's quiescent authoritarianism is an error (though a common one).

I never said that Buckley's politics were "defined by" his support for segregation; I merely noted that as one of several reasons to be "glad that the country ignored much of what he had to say."

It might be reasonble to remember some of what he had to say in 1963. The use of federal statutes tenuously justified by the commerce clause may have had an agreeable result in breaking Southern caste regulation; it has had the decidedly disagreeable result that the political culture is now denuded of respect for free association and the autonomy of small collectivities.

I think the easy outrage at Buckley's tattooing idea is a little thoughtless. If someone is guilty of serial sexual battery, as Buckley's exemplar surely was, then we have no problem putting their name on a list, website, etc. to warn people. Some states are considering requiring sex offenders to use special license plates.

Obviously the literal tattoo idea is over the line, in that it invades someone's bodily autonomy pretty strongly. Just as obviously, people have responsibility for their own sexual protection. But even taking both those statements as gound rules, the problem Buckley raises in that column is serious enough. You have a crime that's undetectable when committed. How can you deter it or even punish it effectively?

Artie Deco writes: "The use of federal statutes tenuously justified by the commerce clause may have had an agreeable result in breaking Southern caste regulation; it has had the decidedly disagreeable result that the political culture is now denuded of respect for free association and the autonomy of small collectivities."

Translation: Artie still can't stand the fact that "they" get to use the same bathrooms and water fountains that he does. Plus he misses the occasional Saturday afternoon lynching in the town square, where a splendid time was had by everyone except the "guest of honor."

Donald writes: "Obviously the literal tattoo idea is over the line, in that it invades someone's bodily autonomy pretty strongly. Just as obviously, people have responsibility for their own sexual protection. But even taking both those statements as gound rules, the problem Buckley raises in that column is serious enough. You have a crime that's undetectable when committed. How can you deter it or even punish it effectively?"

This is pure silliness, since Buckley wasn't just proposing the tattooing of those who knowingly and deceitfully spread an infection - he was proposing the tattooing of ALL HIV positive individuals. It's a variation of a sadistic old game called "smear the queer." Pretending it's simply related to a desire to prevent crime is intellectually dishonest. Buckley tok more care to avoid such dishonesty than most right-wing pundits do nowadays, but he couldn't help but fall into it occasionally, and his antique disgust with homosexuality probably played a role here.

I also wonder if the constant jokes and rumors about his own sexuality played a role here - if he played the he-man homo-hater on occasion just to prove that he wasn't as, uh, "effete" as he seemed to some.

"Wage and price controls, anyone? Anyone?"

Hillary Clinton, with her mortgage freeze, but I think the basic thrust of your argument stands.

"I tend to think that treating this blindness as the defining aspect of his long career is a serious mistake – akin to using Churchill’s death as an occasion to harangue one’s readers about his views on British India"

As an India-American, I say why the fuck not? Fuck Churchill. Hell, that's the mainstream view in much of Africa and Asia, you know, where most of humanity lives.

There is a vast difference between FDR's complicity with Manzanar and Buckley's support for segregation.
The former acted in an emergency, albeit too hastily and unwisely, and the extent of the policy was limited. Only West Coast Japanese were interned. It was not a racial policy, but a security policy however misguided.
Segregation was enforced for its own sake. That is, it was the systematic denial of equal treatment under the law to an entire class of people simply because another class hated them.

I think the bigger problem for conservatives--in this liberal's opinion--is that the movement is losing its true thought leaders. Buckley made mistakes, certainly, but he was a man who founded a magazine, fought in a war and was, no doubt, a true intellectual. He made his own way on the strength of his intelligence and spirit.

There are still intellectual conservatives out there--and I would include Ross among them--but too many of the institutes and house organs on the right are run by mental courtiers, worshiping the memories of greater men and dying ideas by reciting simple phrases almost liturgically: lower taxes, Ronald Reagan, the family, the family...

To whom can conservatism turn to replace people like Buckley? Certainly not men like Jonah Goldberg, William Kristol or John Podhoretz, who were guided to their present, powerful positions by the loving hand of nepotism. Nor can they turn to Rich Lowry or his ilk, people who have live their entire adult lives inside the Conservative Movement Complex and have no idea how to relate to the outside world. How else to explain the rantings to be found in The Enemy at Home or Liberal Fascism or any given minute of Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity unless one accepts that the conservative movement Buckley once led has become a family circle, facing inward, with each person reaching out...and patting his neighbor on the back?

Good luck with that.

As if on cue, Andrew cites exactly the kind of experiences Buckley gained in the "real" world that made him a much better spokesman and advocate for conservatives than those currently holding down cushy conservative sinecures.

It's kind of weird to talk about nepotism with regard to Jonah Goldberg and NRO. It's not like NRO was a big deal before Goldberg--his Goldberg file was the only reliably interesting part of the original 1990s NRO, aside from the reader forum (RIP). Back in those days, NRO consisted of a handful of articles. He wasn't handed a plum job on a platter.

The fact he got any job for simply being the son of Lucianne Goldgerg is the issue, Amy. And I don't remember people sitting around in the late 90s talking about how the internet was going to fade away soon. In fact, considering the way in which most industry analysts were composing requiems for print magazines back then, I'd say Jonah Goldberg was given just about the most plum job he could have been given at the ailing National Review, and he was given that job based on...what?

Regardless, I don't think it's a stretch to say that he's been a net loss for the right. For every pithy, clever thing he's ever written, there's been a moment in which he's done something so stupid--praising what he called the "Ledeen Doctrine", for example--that even I can't cheer for the failure of an opponent because it's just so embarrassing.

And then he wrote the most ahistorical book of the past 25 years. (If you doubt that, consider that by the standard Goldberg uses--the one that allows him to consider Mussolini a lefty his entire life--then you could argue that David Horowitz is a Marxist and Ronald Reagan died a crypto-Democrat.) He's a sad, sad heir to the Buckley fortune.

The fact he got any job for simply being the son of Lucianne Goldgerg is the issue, Amy. And I don't remember people sitting around in the late 90s talking about how the internet was going to fade away soon. In fact, considering the way in which most industry analysts were composing requiems for print magazines back then, I'd say Jonah Goldberg was given just about the most plum job he could have been given at the ailing National Review, and he was given that job based on...what?

I think he had previously been a research assistant for Ben Wattenberg at the American Enterprise Institute and had worked for a company that produced documentaries for PBS.

Wow, theatlantic.com's posts are just as pedantic and pseudo-intellectual as letters to the editor in the printed copy.