I basically agree with the Wehner-Levin-Lowry consensus on McCain’s “2013” speech, which (to quote Yuval) “puts him in the odd position of talking in the past tense about the future, which both causes his promises to sound more arrogant (if not naïve) than they have to and robs him of the forward looking rhetoric a speech like this could lean on (that of, for instance, Barack Obama).” But for a campaign in search of a narrative, I think the idea behind the speech is potentially sound. Obviously, I’d prefer to see McCain use his campaign to blaze an ideologically-innovative trail toward a new conservative majority, but I don’t think that’s in the cards – and if it isn’t, the narrative suggested by his “look back from 2013” address makes a certain kind of of sense. It casts McCain as a deliberately transitional figure, a tough and experienced foreign-policy hand who you can trust to clean up the messes Bush has left us overseas, and a bipartisan dealmaker who will work the Democratic majority at home. Vote for me if you aren’t sure about giving the Democrats complete control of the government, this narrative says. Vote for me if you want a respite from the culture wars, it argues. Vote for me if you want a grown-up to put our post-9/11 foreign policy on a sounder footing before taking a chance on a liberal President, it suggests. Vote for me because I’m not asking you to join me in any new crusades – because I’m not invested in my own greatness – and because I’m more interested in restoring stability than starting a revolution, or building a thirty-year majority.
And McCain's new Iraq promises are important to this narrative, for the reasons Jim Antle lays out:
McCain doesn't alter his policy goals in Iraq, he doesn't give us any strong reason to believe he will be able to deliver on what he is promising, and his past Iraq predictions haven't always panned out. But McCain is emphasizing the return home of most of our troops as an explicit near-term goal. The perception that McCain would stay in Iraq for 100 years is a losing message when pitted against a candidate who is even semi-credibly promising withdrawal. But a Nixonian peace-with-honor gradual drawdown without disavowing the war aims is a stronger position politically. The Democrats can promise to withdraw faster than McCain, but George McGovern can tell you that this approach does not always work. The American people want to get out of Iraq and win the war. Whether or not this is possible, they might prefer a candidate who promises both to a candidate who promises one or the other.
Nixon’s ’72 landslide, you’ll recall, didn’t do much for the GOP as a whole, and a McCain campaign predicated on bipartisanship at home and peace with honor abroad would probably have few coattails as well. But it might represent a path to victory in a year when by rights the Republican nominee ought to have no chance - especially if it were paired with a one-term pledge (though I'm pretty sure McCain won't actually want to go that route), which would allow McCain to say, to a country wary of taking big risks and worn out from eight long years with the "rebel-in-chief": Vote for me and I'll be temporary.


Grand New Party: How Republicans Can Win the Working Class and Save the American Dream
Privilege: Harvard and the Education of the Ruling Class
I don't quite understand the one term pledge. It seems to mean "Vote for me and my presidency will last only two year, because after that other pols will stop fearing me." It seems to put him in office as a really weak President, esp. if the Dems gain in Congress. (Which in turn means more adventurism, per the std. reading of US Presidents as focusing on FP when, during the last two years of the second term, Congress will no longer listen.)
Posted by SomeCallMeTim | May 16, 2008 10:18 AM